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{"id":339509,"date":"2023-10-07T19:29:49","date_gmt":"2023-10-07T17:29:49","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.prishtinapress.net\/?p=339509"},"modified":"2023-10-07T19:29:52","modified_gmt":"2023-10-07T17:29:52","slug":"ballkani-perendimor-rreziqet-per-paqen","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.prishtinapress.org\/ballkani-perendimor-rreziqet-per-paqen\/","title":{"rendered":"Ballkani Per\u00ebndimor \u2013 rreziqet p\u00ebr paqen"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
Sulmi i fundit nga nj\u00eb nj\u00ebsi paramilitare serbe n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb ndaj polic\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shembulli i fundit n\u00eb nj\u00eb zinxhir aktesh t\u00eb dhunshme n\u00eb vitet e fundit q\u00eb synojn\u00eb destabilizimin e shtetit m\u00eb t\u00eb ri t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs. Kjo u pasua nga mohimet e dyshimta t\u00eb Beogradit se ai nuk kishte qen\u00eb i p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb operacion dhe se nuk kishte dijeni p\u00ebr t\u00eb.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Por menj\u00ebher\u00eb m\u00eb pas, trupa masive t\u00eb blinduara ushtarake serbe u vendos\u00ebn n\u00eb kufijt\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs, madje duke nxitur Sekretarin e Shtetit t\u00eb SHBA-s\u00eb Antony Blinken t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhynte tek presidenti serb Aleksandar Vu\u00e7iq.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Shpresojm\u00eb q\u00eb ky incident t\u00eb ket\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebsit e fundit t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb qet\u00ebsimit t\u00eb ndryshojn\u00eb mendje. Miti q\u00eb u p\u00ebrhap deri von\u00eb se regjimi autokratik n\u00eb Beograd ishte spiranca e stabilitetit n\u00eb rajonin e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor, tashm\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb diskredituar plot\u00ebsisht, edhe pse Vu\u00e7iq ka koh\u00eb q\u00eb i ka ndezur gj\u00ebrat p\u00ebrmes vart\u00ebsve t\u00eb tij n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb dhe Bosnj\u00eb-Hercegovin\u00eb. Nj\u00eb vit m\u00eb par\u00eb, Uashingtoni e b\u00ebri parull\u00ebn \u201cVu\u00e7iqi garantues i stabilitetit\u201d si parimin udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs t\u00eb realpolitik\u00ebs s\u00eb tij ballkanike, me q\u00ebllim q\u00eb ta \u00e7lironte Serbin\u00eb nga kontrolli i Rusis\u00eb dhe ta integronte at\u00eb n\u00eb aleanc\u00ebn p\u00ebr ndihm\u00ebn e Ukrain\u00ebs. Por kjo \u201cdiplomaci e fantazive\u201d m\u00eb n\u00eb fund ka arritur kufijt\u00eb e saj.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Pamjet e k\u00ebtyre dit\u00ebve jan\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb trondit\u00ebse t\u00eb ngjashme me ato nga Kroacia n\u00eb ver\u00ebn e vitit 1990, kur paraushtarak\u00ebt serb\u00eb josh\u00ebn n\u00eb prita polic\u00ebt kroat\u00eb dhe q\u00eblluan kund\u00ebr tyre. K\u00ebto sulme filluan disa muaj p\u00ebrpara fillimit t\u00eb luft\u00ebs n\u00eb qershor 1991. Nj\u00eb vit m\u00eb von\u00eb, ishin paramilitar\u00ebt serb\u00eb ata q\u00eb e shk\u00ebput\u00ebn kryeqytetin boshnjak Sarajev\u00eb nga bota e jashtme q\u00eb nga marsi i vitit 1992. N\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb, presidenti serb Slobodan Millosheviq kishte hartuar nj\u00eb plan p\u00ebr t\u00eb bashkuar t\u00eb gjitha zonat e banuara me serb\u00eb n\u00eb Jugosllavi n\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb Serbi t\u00eb Madhe.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Armatimi i Serbis\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n 30 vjet pas luft\u00ebrave t\u00eb ish-Jugosllavis\u00eb, n\u00eb Beograd \u00ebsht\u00eb vendosur nj\u00eb regjim q\u00eb ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb e ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb m\u00eb pak, haptazi k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb zbatoj\u00eb projektin e Millosheviqit \u2013 i besuari m\u00eb i af\u00ebrt i presidentit Vu\u00e7iq \u00ebsht\u00eb drejtori i fuqish\u00ebm i sh\u00ebrbimit t\u00eb inteligjenc\u00ebs Aleksandar Vulin, protagonisti kryesor i projektit pasardh\u00ebs \u201cSerbia e Madhe\u201d, i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb riem\u00ebruar tani n\u00eb \u201cBota Serbe\u201d. I treti n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb grup \u00ebsht\u00eb ministri i Jasht\u00ebm serb Ivica Da\u00e7iq, me t\u00eb cilin Vu\u00e7iq drejtoi aparatin propagandistik t\u00eb Milloshevi\u00e7it n\u00eb vitet 1990.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Treshja e Serbis\u00eb s\u00eb Madhe rreth presidentit serb \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb rrezik i qart\u00eb dhe i menj\u00ebhersh\u00ebm p\u00ebr fqinj\u00ebt e Serbis\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt jan\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb dob\u00ebt ushtarakisht. Faktet e m\u00ebposhtme e tregojn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb: Q\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 2021, \u201cEconomist\u201d shkruan, se Serbia ishte n\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201cxhiro t\u00eb blerjeve t\u00eb arm\u00ebve\u201d, dhe k\u00ebshtu po i frik\u00ebsonte fqinj\u00ebt e saj. Buxheti i arm\u00ebve i Serbis\u00eb u rrit me 70% nga viti 2015 n\u00eb 2021. Nd\u00ebrsa deri m\u00eb sot \u00ebsht\u00eb dyfishuar n\u00eb pothuajse 1,5 miliard\u00eb dollar\u00eb amerikan\u00eb, sipas t\u00eb dh\u00ebnave nga Instituti i K\u00ebrkimeve t\u00eb Paqes n\u00eb Stokholm SIPRI. P\u00ebr krahasim, Kosova ka rreth 100 milion\u00eb euro buxhet p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb. Edhe \u201cEidgen\u00f6ssische Technische Universit\u00e4t\u201d nga Cyrihu (ETU) ka analizuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb studim gjendjen me riarmatimin rajonal deri n\u00eb 2021, ku konstatohet se riarmatimi i tep\u00ebrt i Serbis\u00eb minon besimin n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Shifrat nga Instituti Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar i Londr\u00ebs p\u00ebr Studime Strategjike (IISS) ilustrojn\u00eb \u00e7ekuilibrin e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm ushtarak rajonal. Shembulli i tankeve luftarake e b\u00ebn t\u00eb qart\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb. Me 212 tanke, forcat e armatosura serbe kishin duksh\u00ebm m\u00eb shum\u00eb tanke se Kroacia (75), Bosnja (45) dhe Maqedonia e Veriut (31 p\u00ebrpara se t\u2019ia dhuronte Ukrain\u00ebs) s\u00eb bashku. As Kosova dhe as Mali i Zi nuk kan\u00eb ndonj\u00eb \u201carm\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb sulmuese\u201d. P\u00ebr krahasim, Bundeswehr ka 266 tanke luftarake. Kur b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr avion\u00ebt luftarak\u00eb, avantazhi rajonal i Beogradit \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe m\u00eb i madh, pasi vet\u00ebm Kroacia ka 12 avion\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa Beogradi ka 30. Shum\u00eb media e kan\u00eb shtruar pyetjen se \u00e7far\u00eb i duhet Serbis\u00eb gjith\u00eb ky armatim. K\u00ebt\u00eb e b\u00ebri edhe Al Jazeera, q\u00eb pyet se \u00e7far\u00eb synonte Beogradi me k\u00ebt\u00eb riarmatim t\u00eb paprecedent\u00eb rajonal?<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cBosnjizimi\u201d i Kosov\u00ebs?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Duke pasur parasysh k\u00ebto fakte, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u habitur q\u00eb Prishtina refuzon t\u00eb zbatoj\u00eb Marr\u00ebveshjen e Brukselit t\u00eb vitit 2013 p\u00ebr Asociacionin e Komunave me Shumic\u00eb Serbe (\u201cZajednica\u201d), e cila siguron nj\u00eb shkall\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb autonomis\u00eb p\u00ebr dhjet\u00eb komunat me shumic\u00eb serbe t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Duhet theksuar se Kushtetuta e Kosov\u00ebs garanton t\u00eb drejta t\u00eb gjera t\u00eb pakicave. Edhe pse pakicat e shumta etnike t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs mezi p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se tet\u00eb p\u00ebr qind t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb, 20 nga 120 mandate n\u00eb Parlament jan\u00eb t\u00eb garantuara p\u00ebr ta, dhjet\u00eb prej t\u00eb cil\u00ebve jan\u00eb p\u00ebr serb\u00ebt, q\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb nga tre deri n\u00eb pes\u00eb p\u00ebr qind t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb. Ekziston edhe pjes\u00ebmarrja e garantuar gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse e pakicave n\u00eb nivel komunal sapo t\u00eb arrij\u00eb dhjet\u00eb p\u00ebr qind t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb s\u00eb komun\u00ebs p\u00ebrkat\u00ebse.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Qeveria e Kosov\u00ebs e udh\u00ebhequr nga Albin Kurti ka frik\u00eb se nj\u00eb asociacion i komunitetit serb do t\u00eb krijonte nj\u00eb lloj Republika Srpska 2.0 si n\u00eb Bosnj\u00eb-Hercegovin\u00eb. Autonomia e garantuar p\u00ebr serb\u00ebt me Mar\u00ebveshjen e Dejtonit e ka sjell\u00eb Bosnj\u00eb-Hercegovin\u00ebn n\u00eb prag t\u00eb luft\u00ebs, pasi udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsi serb i Bosnj\u00ebs Milorad Dodik po angazhohet p\u00ebr shk\u00ebputjen e Republik\u00ebs Srpska nga Bosnja, e k\u00ebt\u00eb e di edhe Vu\u00e7iqi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Vendosja parandaluese e trupave shtes\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n \u00c7far\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb Per\u00ebndimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb qet\u00ebsuar situat\u00ebn? Ai duhet t\u00eb pranoj\u00eb se aspiratat serbe p\u00ebr territoret e banura me serb\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb dhe Bosnje jan\u00eb reale. Ndihmon vet\u00ebm p\u00ebrkoh\u00ebsisht stabilizimi i trazirave akute \u2013 aktualisht Kosov\u00ebn. Por neglizhimi i situat\u00ebs n\u00eb Bosnj\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzoj\u00eb, sepse aty do t\u00eb filloj\u00eb Beogradi, n\u00ebse frenohet nga NATO n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Praktikisht, do t\u00eb kishte nj\u00eb zgjidhje t\u00eb shpejt\u00eb duke forcuar misionet e suksesshme ushtarake t\u00eb NATO-s dhe BE-s\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb (KFOR) dhe Bosnje (EUFOR\/Althea). Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb p\u00ebr EUFOR-in t\u00eb zvog\u00ebluar shum\u00eb, n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb vet\u00ebm 1.350 ushtar\u00eb. N\u00eb fakt ekziston nj\u00eb shembull tekstual se si vendosja parandaluese e paqeruajt\u00ebsve mund t\u00eb parandaloj\u00eb luft\u00ebn dhe t\u00eb pengoj\u00eb nj\u00eb agresor t\u00eb mundsh\u00ebm: 30 vjet m\u00eb par\u00eb, n\u00eb janar 1993, OKB-ja stacionoi nj\u00eb forc\u00eb paqeruajt\u00ebse prej 1.000 trupash, gjysma prej t\u00eb cil\u00ebve ushtar\u00eb amerikan\u00eb, n\u00eb Maqedonin\u00eb e Veriut p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb kufiri me Serbin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb penguar agresionin e Beogradit kund\u00ebr fqinjit t\u00eb tij jugor. Kjo forc\u00eb e vog\u00ebl, e cil\u00ebsuar lirsh\u00ebm edhe si \u201ctripwire\u201d, n\u00eb fakt arriti t\u00eb siguroj\u00eb paqen n\u00eb vend p\u00ebr shum\u00eb vite.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Kjo rezulton n\u00eb opsionin e qart\u00eb t\u00eb mbrojtjes s\u00eb rajoneve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe Bosnj\u00ebs q\u00eb kufizohen me Serbin\u00eb duke p\u00ebrdorur KFOR-in dhe EUFOR-in. N\u00ebse trupat e NATO-s dhe BE-s\u00eb do t\u00eb monitoronin kufijt\u00eb e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt nd\u00ebrmjet Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb ose Bosnj\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb, kjo do t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb garanci e pap\u00ebrshkueshme e siguris\u00eb. Shembulli i misionit t\u00eb OKB-s\u00eb \u201cTripwire Macedonia 1993\u201d v\u00ebrtetoi pik\u00ebrisht k\u00ebt\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Sigurimi i paqes s\u00eb krijuar me kosto t\u00eb lart\u00eb me disa nj\u00ebsi shtes\u00eb do t\u00eb ishte padyshim nj\u00eb alternativ\u00eb m\u00eb e mir\u00eb sesa t\u00eb bombardosh nj\u00eb dit\u00eb. \u00cbsht\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb imagjinohet nj\u00eb skenar m\u00eb i lir\u00eb dhe m\u00eb human p\u00ebr shmangien e konfliktit.\/DW<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Sulmi i fundit nga nj\u00eb nj\u00ebsi paramilitare serbe n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb ndaj polic\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shembulli i fundit n\u00eb nj\u00eb zinxhir aktesh t\u00eb dhunshme n\u00eb vitet e fundit q\u00eb synojn\u00eb destabilizimin e shtetit m\u00eb t\u00eb ri t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs. Kjo u pasua nga mohimet e dyshimta t\u00eb Beogradit se ai nuk kishte qen\u00eb i p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":339508,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_oct_exclude_from_cache":false,"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[293,173],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-339509","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-baner","8":"category-lajme"},"amp_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prishtinapress.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/339509","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prishtinapress.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prishtinapress.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prishtinapress.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prishtinapress.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=339509"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/www.prishtinapress.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/339509\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":339510,"href":"https:\/\/www.prishtinapress.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/339509\/revisions\/339510"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prishtinapress.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/339508"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prishtinapress.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=339509"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prishtinapress.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=339509"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prishtinapress.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=339509"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}